Skip to main content




Noam Chomsky: If you assume that there is no hope, you guarantee that there will be no hope. If you assume that there is an instinct for freedom, that there are opportunities to change things, then there is a possibility that you can contribute to making a better world. wordsmith.social/protestation/…



Noam Chomsky: What is called 'capitalism' is basically a system of corporate mercantilism, with huge and largely unaccountable private tyrannies exercising vast control over the economy, political systems, and social and cultural life, operating in close cooperation with powerful states that intervene massively in the domestic economy and international society. wordsmith.social/protestation/…


Certaines personnes te rejetteront, car ta lumière est trop intense pour eux, c’est comme ça. Continue de rayonner.


Citation de Mandy Halle datant de 2013. Elle est arrivée en 2014 en France et elle a vite été associée à Martin Luther King. Vous pensez, Mandy Halle n'est pas connue en France!

x.com/TheSingleWoman/status/40…

x.com/FlammeDuFeu/status/54925…

Mandy Hale est une blogueuse devenue auteure et conférencière à succès du New York Times. Créatrice du mouvement de médias sociaux The Single Woman, Mandy va au cœur de la vie des célibataires avec son inspiration, son franc-parler et son sens de l'humour sur la vie et l'amour. Nommée «Twitter Powerhouse» par le Huffington Post, «femme d'influence» par le Nashville Business Journal, l'un des «dix comptes Instagram les plus inspirants à suivre» par Good Morning America, et «célibataire dans la ville» par le magazine Nashville Lifestyles, elle a également été présentée dans le magazine Forbes, sur Glamour.com, et dans de nombreux autres médias. Elle est l'auteur de The Single Woman, I've Never Been to Vegas but My Luggage Has, Beautiful Uncertainty et You Are Enough. Elle vit à Murfreesboro, dans le Tennessee.


|Certaines personnes te rejetteront, car ta lumière est trop intense pour eux, c’est comme ça. Continue de rayonner.|



Noam Chomsky: In the US, there is basically one party - the business party. It has two factions, called Democrats and Republicans, which are somewhat different but carry out variations on the same policies. By and large, I am opposed to those policies. As is most of the population. wordsmith.social/protestation/…



Augusto Pinochet: I'm not someone who usually sends out threats. I warn only once. The day they touch one of my men, the rule of law is over. wordsmith.social/protestation/…





James Gilligan: Poverty kills far more people than all the wars in history, more people than all the murderers in history, more than all the suicides in history, not only does structural violence kill more people than all the behavioral violence put together, structural violence is also the main cause of behavioral violence. wordsmith.social/protestation/…







James Gilligan: The political rhetoric of the ruling class claims to want to decrease the rate of violence. It advocates making the deadliest weapons, from handguns to assault rifles, freely available to as many people as possible; increasing the rate of capital punishment; imprisoning as many people as possible; and making the conditions in which they are incarcerated more and more brutalizing; depriving prison inmates of the opportunity to acquire education which could help them to renounce their criminal violence. All this is pursued in the name of being "tough on crime" and "tough on criminals"; but however "tough" these policies may be on criminals, they are, in fact, the most effective way to promote crime and violence. This deceptive rhetoric still fools millions of voters. This brilliant strategy also labels those policies that would decrease the rates of crime and violence, as being "soft on crime. wordsmith.social/protestation/…


Eugenio Zampighi


Eugenio Zampighi, né en 1859 à Modène, et mort en 1944 à Maranello, était un artiste peintre et photographe italien, principalement de sujets de genre.

Eugenio Zampighi s'inscrit à l'Académie des Beaux-Arts de Modène, et reçoit les enseignements sous la direction d'Antonio Simonazzi. Très jeune, et dès ses premières peintures d'histoire, il a été influencé par le peintre modénois Giovanni Muzzioli. Après avoir remporté le Prix Poletti pour la peinture en 1880, avec son entrée, Un rétiaire blessé dans l'amphithéâtre Flavien, il a eu l'occasion de poursuivre ses études d'abord à Rome puis à Florence où il s'installe définitivement en 1884. Dans les années 1880, il commence à produire un répertoire de scènes de genre, qui connaît un succès extraordinaire sur le marché de l'art et lui apporte des commandes internationales, influencé par le style de Gaetano Chierici et par l'école florentine des Macchiaioli. Il travailla surtout dans ces dernières villes plus tard dans son parcours.

Son travail intense en tant que photographe fut pour la plupart orienté vers sa peinture et se déroulait principalement dans son atelier à l'aide de modèles en costume paysan ou de la robe des gens du peuple. Après avoir pris ces photographies, l'artiste les a utilisées pour créer une image joyeuse et idyllique de la vie rurale italienne, dépourvue de toute critique sociale, si appréciée par les touristes étrangers que cela l'a amené à produire une série des mêmes stéréotypes retardataires jusqu'aux premières décennies du XXe siècle.



James Gilligan: The traditional defense of class stratification and the existence of a "leisure class", ever since the rise of civilization, from both Plato and Aristotle as well as from more recent social thinkers, is that a leisure class is needed in order to have the time and energy for the specialized intellectual development and technological skills that are necessary preconditions for civilization; and "leisure class" has always meant a group with a guaranteed income — i.e. those who did not have to work for a living. Implicit in this argument is the assumption (which I happen to think is correct, as I think the history and development of civilization proves) that when people are freed from the necessity to work — that is, when work is freely chosen rather than slavery or wage-slavery (i.e. "work or starve"), they do not just vegetate in a state of "passivity and dependency." Rather, they engage in much more creative work. Coercion creates an incentive for "passive aggressiveness," because when overpowered and helpless there is no other way to express the minimal degree of autonomy that people need in order to maintain any semblance of self-esteem, dignity, and pride. Furthermore, when work is a means to and end — working in order to eat — then it is, in Marx's terms, "alienated" labor. Labor can only be liberated from alienation when work is an end in itself, entered into freely as the expression of spontaneous and voluntary creativity, curiosity, playfulness, initiative, and sociability — that is, the sense of solidarity with the community, the fulfillment of one's true and "essential" human nature as "social" and "political" animals, to be fulfilled and made human by their full participation in a culture. In short, the contradiction in the old defense of class stratification is that it defends leisure for the leisure class, but not for the underclass. With reference to the underclass, leisure is said to destroy the incentive to work, leads to slothfulness and self-indulgence, and retards cognitive and moral development. When applied to the leisure class, the concept evokes an image of Plato and Aristotle, whose leisure was based on slave labor, creating the intellectual foundations of Western civilization; or patrician slave-owners like Washington and Jefferson laying the foundations of American civilization; or creative aristocrats like Count Leo Tolstoy or Bertrand Ear Russell; or, even closer to home, of our own sons and daughters (or of ourselves, when we were young adults) being freed from the stultifying tasks of earning a living until well into our adult years so that we could study in expensive universities to gain specialized knowledge and skills. wordsmith.social/protestation/…


Mahmoud Darwish: Workers united, a force that can't go wrong, Breaking chains of oppression, pushing for their rights,Their voices echoing, piercing through the nights. wordsmith.social/protestation/…



Friedrich Engels: How is the housing question to be solved then? In present-day society just as any other social question is solved: by the gradual economic adjustment of supply and demand, a solution which ever reproduces the question itself anew and therefore is no solution. How a social revolution would solve this question depends not only on the circumstances which would exist in each case, but is also connected with still more far-reaching questions, among which one of the most fundamental is the abolition of the antithesis between town and country. As it is not our task to create utopian systems for the arrangement of the future society, it would be more than idle to go into the question here. But one thing is certain: there are already in existence sufficient buildings for dwellings in the big towns to remedy immediately any real “housing shortage,” given rational utilization of them. This can naturally only take place by the expropriation of the present owners and by quartering in their houses the homeless or those workers excessively overcrowded in their former houses. Immediately the proletariat has conquered political power such a measure dictated in the public interests will be just as easy to carry out as other expropriations and billetings are by the existing state. wordsmith.social/protestation/…


Marie Curie: You cannot hope to build a better world without improving the individuals. To that end each of us must work for his own improvement, and at the same time share a general responsibility for all humanity, our particular duty being to aid those to whom we think we can be most useful. wordsmith.social/protestation/…



George Orwell: There was of course no way of knowing whether you were being watched at any given moment. How often, or on what system, the Thought Police plugged in on any individual wire was guesswork. It was even conceivable that they watched everybody all the time. But at any rate they could plug in your wire whenever they wanted to. You had to live-did live, from habit that became instinct-in the assumption that every sound you made was overheard, and, except in darkness, every movement scrutinized. wordsmith.social/protestation/…



Karl Marx: We must announce to the governments: We know you are the armed power which is directed against the proletarians; we will move against you in peaceful way where it is possible, and with arms if it should become necessary. wordsmith.social/protestation/…



Grace Blakeley: Free markets aren't really free. Record corporate pro­fits don't trickle down to everyone else. And we aren't empowered to make our own choices – they're made for us every day. wordsmith.social/protestation/…


Stalin: Communist parties ought to be made independent, instead of sections of the CI. They should turn into national Communist parties with various names—the Workers’ Party, the Marxist Party, etc. The name does not matter. What matters is that they put down roots in their own peoples and concentrate on their own proper tasks. They ought to have a Communist program; they should proceed on a Marxist analysis, but without looking over their shoulders at Moscow; they should resolve the concrete problems they face in the given country independently. And the situation and problems in different countries are altogether different. In England there are certain ones, in Germany there are different ones, and so forth. Once the Communist parties have become stronger in this way, then reestablish their international organization. wordsmith.social/protestation/…